Hijacked by Humanity


Hijacked by Humanity

Political Works by Melissa Klatsia

A collection of poems and short philosophical essays aimed at fanning the flames of non-violent revolution

I love not man the less, but nature more.” – Lord Byron, 1812

Books. Not guns. Culture. Not violence.” – Theo, Louis Garrel, Les Innocents, di Bernaldo Bertolucci, 2003

The real revolution is that of the spirit, born of an intellectual conviction of the need to change the attitudes and values which shape the course of development of a nation. Simply a revolution aimed at transforming the political and official institutions to improve the material conditions has little chance of success.” – Aung San Suu Kyi

“Drive my dead thoughts over the universe/ Like withered leaves to quicken a new birth!,/ And, by the incantation of this verse,/ Scatter my words..” – P.B. Shelley

Praise for the work:

Melissa’s poetry has a real sense of lyrical voice and speaks from the depths of experience. She uses this voice to inform her prose writing, which gives it a depth and richness that is otherwise lacking in so much modern writing.” John Evans, Psychonaut

I’m sensing a Greek component here, lending a kind of elegance and flow, which taken with the heavy dose of rationalism (the French kind) and powered up by the English fury of the bright spark who became a fire because the system couldn’t stamp her out suggests to me a writerly fate.” Robert Lipscome, Artist and Author.

Abolition (An Ode to Freedom)

When Kafka’s man stood before the law

He gained not entry through the door

But if beauty is truth and truth beauty

Then harmony is surely humanity’s duty

Plutocratic and despotic body politic

It is no surprise that civilisation is sick

Their remedies do not cure the disease

Rather, they ensure it shall not cease

Kind to their slaves; the worst are those

That prevent the system being exposed

Fetishised commodities, purchase power built

Alleviate third world and ecological guilt

But if charity is not conducive of humanity’s evolution

Let us all agree that it is, “survival pending revolution.”

Time of the Revolution

Who still cannot hear their ranting on the wind flitting across London town?

Terrors of old that roam our lands, unconquerable spirits, rags of life their gown

Stifled by the echoes of a thousand lies and odour of war. The death toll knells

Awaken ye from sighing slumber. Let our cities be possessed by noble rebels

Raised flags, black and red screaming the question that is eternally ours

Who gave unto monarchs and governments rights to command the stars?

How to overcome their prison walls? Wherein lies our collective duty?

Take to the streets! Stand and be heard all of you who pine for liberty

The voice of the oppressed, the voices of the meek, lonely and poor

As man raises his head from those dark dens named religion and law

Now bidding the heavens to hear the voice of the people. It is time.

Heed listen humanity’s cries, “throw down your arms and surrender to mine.”

Chaos and eternal night

Desire absent of divine grace

Promise of fruits, which we shall never taste

Forever yearning, wanting more

Into emptiness we deeper fall

We sell our time but a life can’t be paid

Imperial abyss, O loathsome grave!

The Party

A revolutionary social order it defines

But what is freedom within party lines?

Promising a new age, worker driven

Does it not expose a will to power hitherto hidden?

As, with all government lies the blame

For robbery, chaos and tumult

The party thus at once the engine and the target of our revolt!

Paradise Lost

And heaven could be found not at highly climbs

But on earth at pre-feudal times

Human nature peaceful and non covetous expounded

Until greed bringing theft, rape and disease with it was founded

The cunning leapt unsuspectingly upon the meek, establishing their domination

And all that followed has thus been objectification, enslavement and exploitation

What lust behind their crazed eyes?

A drive for profit most prized

So as earth’s enchantment through the ages was discarded

The cult of the self became both religion and market

And with such sin, a mortal death upon humanity fell

But eternal is compassion, a love no force can quell

I bid remember thee, such sweet beginnings; a world without decree

Lest we forget that we were not wild pre history, not wild but in fact free


Nietzsche – Fusion Paranoid (The Deception of the Freethinking Radical Right)

As we have learned from establishment institutions and their politics, the tradition has been one of justifying a position of privilege from the “top down” in terms of government function rather than identifying fundamental concepts such as liberty and equality and building a theory based on these premises to deduce conclusions about structure. Nietzsche does not disappoint us in adhering to this conservative approach, employing justifications for rank rather than beginning with a clear notion of justice.

The most revealing point of Nietzsche’s thesis in “Human All Too Human” is his recognition that the “state of nature” was in fact a peaceful and non-covetous affair rather than the false premise posited by social contract theorists where it was speculated that men would be pitted one against the other constantly until the “golden-rule” was signed and sealed within a document to the effect that no-one would inflict on another that which infringed on their respective human rights. This is a point that can be confirmed by anthropological studies of indigenous culture. Nietzsche enlightens us in this respect as to the true nature of the creation of government where the peaceful were leapt upon by a more cunning faction of society as a means to its own profit. This we can say was the birth of capitalism. Society now divided in its common function and the individual will, calculating the advantage to be gained by objectifying the other and enslaving them.

The theme and indeed conclusion of Nietzsche’s discussion on the nature of morality is that the unconscious drive or “will to power” is the true motivation of man and that this can be traced historically and employed to explain how even acts of rebellion sublimate this innate urge thus justifying in a looser sense the position of the ruling authority. Corruption for Nietzsche is not an exploitative system but a system wherein the ruling class would develop unsubstantiated sympathies for their inferiors and step down. He recites his abhorrence for the French revolution in this respect.

I would like to indicate that the revelation as to the truth regards mankind’s original state is actually also Nietzsche’s theoretical downfall. For he may no longer lead us into the deception that this drive is in fact a common one and the hidden hand in all human affairs. Rather that the conquesting individualists represent an exception to the general non-violent and non-covetous humanity which I claim in my own theory, is founded on an accurate deduction of natural harmony.

Nietzsche’s descriptions of how the ruling class morality constituted the good or noble and then by antithesis the enslaved class were to be despised and labelled bad leads us to believe that all morality is a human construct. The history of political struggle now taking on a new dimension where the underclass as victims in the outcome of things console their inferior state by now designating the term “good” to their own behaviours and thus “evil” must be the title for those whom actively oppress. Of course if we were to believe Nietzsche’s scepticism regards any universal and eternal natural moral law then inevitably we would be led into a hedonistic or amoral worldview. I deny that this is the actual case and perhaps it is Nietzsche’s existentialist approach to philosophy, which blinds him to the anthropomorphic nature of existence on earth. Harmony within the eco-system is not only evident but also necessary to the sustainability of the eco-system including man’s place in it.

What Nietzsche essentially does in “Beyond Good and Evil” is plea to us to rise above the manmade conceptions of good and evil moralities and he intends his psychological interpretation to provide an explanation as to WHY history and indeed the current state of human society reveals itself to us in the state that it does. What he fails to do however is prove that it is necessarily entailed to be as such. The “will to truth” which is the nature of enquiry of philosophy can indeed be genuinely supreme to power and thus not merely a reactive tendency to a lowly position, as Nietzsche would have us believe. In other works, Nietzsche even acknowledges that he has come across unusual strength amongst those whom genuinely harbour no craving for power and also a tendency to cloak with an air of superiority an actually enslaved character that seeks only fame.

Nietzsche is part of the continental philosophy movement and specifically irrationalism. As an analytic philosopher, I claim that this expressive creativity is more a matter of “philosophising about” rather than conducting philosophy or logical reasoning. It is possible to rationalise a state of affairs, expounding support in favour of the circumstances but this is not the same thing as a scientific method critically applied to deducing logical consequences from concepts.

For an analytic philosopher, Nietzsche represents himself as more of a psychological theorist. This means of course that any and all of his claims are testable and further research is necessary to validate any them before we accept them as “truth”. Nietzsche is writing subjectively and in this way provides a unique insight into the far-right conscious. What is evident is that what is prized most supreme is the notion of LIBERTY but a type of freedom without the golden rule: i.e. and let’s use the correct names for things, a bastardisation of the concept. For freedom, equality and justice in truth, may only be free, equal and just insofar as they do not tolerate their opposites for otherwise they would be self-defeating and contradictory.

I would also like to challenge the point of contention in Nietzsche’s work that distinguishes far right and far left freethinking, this time in terms of the notion of equality. Nietzsche would have us believe that because of the evident diversity amongst individuals, that equality is unjust. It should be clear to any reader that diversity and individuality does not entail inequality of fundamental human rights. Nietzsche makes appeal to great works created by aristocrats throughout history in a bid to convince us that this type of individual is what society exists to produce and that only a ruling class can achieve this due to their superior breeding, the resources for education and the time for such endeavours. We need only demonstrate that greatness can be achieved from any sector of society in order to counter this claim. As an elite the aristocracy have indeed been responsible for creating magnificent works of art, operas and compositions but there is also something to be said for the working class hero. It is therefore necessary that we also recall images of brave revolutionaries, citizens who stand tall in civil disputes and those who adorn their natural beauty; Indigenous music that celebrates marginalised existence rather than conforming strictly to industry expectations and on and on.

Nietzsche’s writing style is polemic, pitting one argument off against the other. It is quite unnecessary to outline that simply because one argument may be rendered falsified because of it’s internal inconsistencies, that it is NOT the case that the other theory is automatically validated. In fact, If Nietzsche had applied the very scepticism toward his own theory that he does toward other dogmatic viewpoints then he would have recognised that he himself falls into many inconsistent and paradoxical perspectives. He tries to shrug this off as an evolving character of the human agent as actor but again reveals himself to not be as disciplined as would like to convince.

Nietzsche is a worshiper at the cult of the self. We see in corporatism today, this tendency to idealise the secular as independent from magical, religious and scientific world-views and thus superior. What is neglected in this approach is a coherent understanding of the interdependency of society as a whole and our place within a biological world. To continue down this path the results are clear. Resources are exhausted in all aspects of life and a lack of respect for sentience would provide no foundation, the likes of which Nietzsche would like to stand on top of.

What is distinctive of this type of right-wing thinking is what can be described as conspiracism. Nietzsche touches on it when he makes reference to “anarchist dogs” and the indignant lower classes seeing in them the same will to power as his own. An unseen evil hand by means of explanation is the cornerstone of the conspiracy theorists projections. Pursuing this way of thinking would undoubtedly only perpetuate violence as targets are identified as perpetrators of the ultimate conspiracy. What conspiracism does is grasp at truths and sew them together into an elaborate narrative in order to provide an explanation regards the apparent order of things. This is NOT what we do in scientific research. A conspiracy theory discusses invisible things and thus cannot be tested. I can posit a theory that all unicorns are pink and ask you to refute my claim by presenting me with a blue one or any other colour and when you fail to do so, demand that you accept my theory as true. In this way, Nietzsche would have us accept that a hidden desire for power is the ultimate truth. Of course it is necessary to distinguish conspiracy theories from the positing of an act of conspiracy. Indeed, it is possible, plausible and evident that people plot one against the other and a desire for power my indeed be the motive for these acts. The difference between an act of conspiracy and a conspiracy theory is that the latter claims that the general populace is duped and unaware. It denies that we can access truth with our own critical independent minds and thus the one who voices such theories of grand conspiracies becomes our saviour. (Or in Nietzsche’s case the anti-Christ). Nietzsche clearly draws his arguments from many domains, history, literature as well as philosophy and ultimately ties them all up into a not so accurate but incredible work of poetry.